Saturday, December 19, 2020
Monday, December 14, 2020
Five Reasons Why the UN Security Council Needs to Deal with the Humanitarian Crisis in Ethiopia (Source: AfricanArguments.org)
Five Reasons Why the UN Security Council Needs to Deal with the Humanitarian Crisis in Ethiopia
UN Security to hold first meeting on Tigray – Credit: Eskinder Debebe – Citizen
Today, the .
It’s a matter for UN Security Council urgent business for several reasons.
First, it’s an internationalized crisis: there are over 45,000 refugees in Sudan and within weeks there could be three times that number. There are over 100,000 Eritrean refugees in Ethiopia, and the Eritrean army has overrun their camps and is reportedly forcing conscripting youth, while the Federal Government is proposing to send over 100 Eritreans who made it as far as Addis Ababa back to Tigray, likely into the hands of the Eritrean army.
Second, there’s little doubt that starvation crimes are being committed in Tigray. There is good reason to suppose that parties to the conflict—the Ethiopian federal forces and militia, the Tigrayan forces and the Eritrean army—are violating the prohibition on using starvation as a weapon. These violations demand an international investigation.
Third, Ethiopia will be asking international donors—including the United States, Europe and Japan, among others—to foot the bill. Just five years ago, Ethiopia was on the point of graduating from the status of famine-prone country, with its large-scale path-breaking programs for food security. Not only is there a vast man-made food crisis enveloping in Tigray, but it’s now deeply uncertain whether Ethiopia can muster the financial and institutional capacity to deal with a such as that which threatened in 2015. Having invested heavily over the last 25 years in the achievements of Ethiopia’s pro-poor developmental state and famine prevention mechanisms, international aid donors have a legitimate interest in preventing relapse.
Fourth, the African Union has failed Ethiopia thus far. There has been no African Union Peace and Security Council meeting on the topic. South Africa discouraged the UN Security Council from discussing the conflict. The African Union envoys were rebuffed. Yesterday, Sudanese Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok announced . His initiative needs the highest level of international backing.
Fifth, under , the United Nations Secretary General is required to report swiftly to the Council on any situation of armed conflict that threatens widespread food insecurity. The Ethiopian and Eritrean war in Tigray is precisely such a scenario for enacting this provision.
European Parliament resolution of 26 November 2020 on the situation in Ethiopia
2019-2024
TEXTS ADOPTED
Provisional edition
P9_TA-PROV(2020)0330
Situation in Ethiopia
European Parliament resolution of 26 November 2020 on the situation in Ethiopia
(2020/2881(RSP))
The European Parliament,
– having regard to its previous resolutions on Ethiopia,
– having regard to the statement of 9 November 2020 by High Representative / Vice-President Josep Borrell on the latest developments in Ethiopia,
– having regard to the joint statement of 12 November 2020 by High
Representative / Vice-President Josep Borrell and Commissioner for Crisis Management Janez Lenarčič on Ethiopia,
– having regard to the statement of 19 November 2020 by Commissioner for Crisis Management Janez Lenarčič entitled ‘Tigray conflict: EU humanitarian support to Ethiopian refugees reaching Sudan’,
– having regard to the statement of 4 November 2020 by the UN Secretary-General,
– having regard to the statements of 6 and 13 November 2020 by UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet on Tigray,
– having regard to the informal talks of 24 November 2020 in the UN Security Council on the ongoing conflict in Ethiopia’s Tigray region,
– having regard to the situation report of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) on Ethiopia, released on 11 November 2020,
– having regard to the statement of 9 November 2020 by the Chairperson of the African Union Commission, H.E. Moussa Faki Mahamat, on the situation in Ethiopia,
– having regard to the statement of 9 November 2020 by the Co-Presidents of the ACP-EU Joint Parliamentary Assembly,
– having regard to the statement of 19 November 2020 by the EU Member States’ foreign affairs ministers,
– having regard to the Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia adopted on 8 December 1994, and in particular the provisions of Chapter III on fundamental rights and freedoms, human rights and democratic rights,
– having regard to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
– having regard to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights,
– having regard to the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance,
– having regard to the UN International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,
– having regard to the second revision of the Cotonou Agreement,
– having regard to Rules 144(5) and 132(4) of its Rules of Procedure,
A. whereas the current armed conflict between the Federal Government of Ethiopia and the regional administration of Tigray, led by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), has caused hundreds of civilian deaths and the mass displacement of people;
B. whereas on 4 November 2020 the Ethiopian Government declared a state of emergency and launched military operations in the northern Tigray region the day after a reported attack by the TPLF against the federal government military base in the Tigray region; whereas since then there have been armed confrontations between federal forces
(Federal Army, Amhara Region’s Special Police Force and Amhara local militia) on the one side and regional forces (Tigray Special Police Force and militia) loyal to the TPLF on the other;
C. whereas the political divergence between the PP and the TPLF was further accentuated when the federal government postponed national elections, scheduled for May 2020, due to the COVID-19 crisis;
D. whereas in September 2020 the TPLF-led Tigray regional administration held its own election, which was declared illegal by the Ethiopian Government since its term was supposed to end in September 2020; whereas the federal parliament deemed the
electoral process in the Tigray region to be illegal; whereas Tigray’s leadership announced that it no longer recognised the federal administration or its laws; whereas on 3 November 2020 the federal parliament declared the TPLF a ‘terrorist group’;
E. whereas on 8 November 2020 the TPLF approached the African Union to suggest talks, but the federal government ruled out any possibility of negotiations with the TPLF and rejected international calls for dialogue and mediation, arguing that the Tigray conflict
is an internal matter that should not be internationalised; whereas the EU has offered its support in order to help de-escalate tensions, return to dialogue and secure the rule of law throughout Ethiopia;
F. whereas in 2018 Abiy Ahmed achieved a historic peace deal with Eritrea, ending more than a decade-long suspension of diplomatic and commercial ties between the two countries; whereas the Abiy government took significant steps to free journalists and political prisoners, allow previously banned opposition groups to operate, and adopt new laws on civil society organisations and on countering terrorism; whereas the government has recently come under criticism due to the detention of opposition politicians; whereas concerns remain at the adoption of a new law aimed at curbing hate speech and disinformation, which may adversely affect freedom of expression;
G. whereas some political groups linked to ethnic groups in Ethiopia that feel marginalised by Ethiopia’s federalist system of government allege that this system has resulted in ethnic favouritism and discrimination;
H. whereas in June 2020 widespread violence broke out following the death of Hachalu Hundessa, a singer and activist from the Oromo region, with hundreds being killed and arrested; whereas on 1 November 2020 more than 50 Amhara people were killed in attacks on three villages which are being widely viewed as ethnically motivated and possibly carried out by the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), a breakaway militia from the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF);
I. whereas, according to the National Amhara Movement, the Ethiopian authorities banned peaceful protests - against ethnically motivated killings - which were due to take place on 28 October 2020;
J. whereas, according to international human rights organisations, there have been several incidents of indiscriminate killings of civilians in different parts of Tigray since the beginning of the conflict, including a massacre that took place on the night of
9 November 2020 in Mai-Kadra in the Tigray region, where the killing of hundreds of civilians could amount to war crimes;
K. whereas, according to international human rights organisations, Tigrayan residents elsewhere in the country have been suspended from their jobs and prevented from flying externally; whereas there are reports of physical and digital surveillance, mass arbitrary
arrests and detentions;
L. whereas Tigray’s President confirmed that his forces had fired rockets targeting Eritrea’s Asmara airport;
M. whereas the deadly fighting between the Ethiopian federal forces and the TPLF has raised international concern about the risks involved in intensifying existing security situations or sparking new ones in Ethiopia, which could have repercussions on neighbouring countries and potentially destabilise the entire Horn of Africa region;
whereas Ethiopia has withdrawn troops from Somalia who were fighting Islamist insurgents; whereas the Kenyan authorities have scaled up security at the border with Ethiopia amid fears of escalating tensions;
N. whereas the EU’s development cooperation with Ethiopia is one of the largest in the world amounting to EUR 815 million for the 2014-2020 period; whereas Ethiopia is also one of the major beneficiaries of the EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa, with
over EUR 271.5 million for 2015-2019; whereas in 2020 the EU is providing EUR 44.29 million to humanitarian projects in Ethiopia by supporting the provision of live-saving assistance to internally displaced people uprooted by violence or natural hazards;
O. whereas the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) has demanded access to the Tigray region, which remains totally isolated (internet and telephone access have been cut off) since the beginning of the fighting; whereas, according to the UNHCR, the lack of electricity, telecommunications, access to fuel and cash limit any humanitarian aid response in Tigray and in the rest of Ethiopia, including tending to those wounded and killed in the fighting;
P. whereas even before the fighting began there were 15.2 million people in need of humanitarian assistance in Ethiopia, 2 million of them in Tigray region; whereas the Tigray region is the fifth most populated region in Ethiopia with over 6 million people, and is home to 100 000 internally displaced people and 96 000 Eritrean refugees;
whereas it has several important refugee camps in which, according to NGOs, 44 % of those living there are children;
Q. whereas Ethiopia is a signatory to the Cotonou Agreement, Article 96 of which stipulates that respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms is an essential element of ACP-EU cooperation;
R. whereas the fighting has caused thousands of deaths and injuries on both sides and has resulted in grave human rights violations and violations of international humanitarian law; whereas, according to the UNHCR, as of 22 November 2020 over 38 500 refugees had fled the conflict and crossed the border into Sudan; whereas the UN has warned of a ‘large-scale humanitarian crisis’ and its agencies are planning for the possible arrival of 200 000 refugees over a six-month period; whereas the fighting is also causing the internal displacement of the population; whereas the UNHCR has already asked the two parties to the conflict to open corridors to allow people to leave and supplies to arrive at the same time; whereas international humanitarian organisations on the ground are ill-equipped and face shortages of supplies needed to treat newly arriving refugees and victims of violence; whereas the UN agencies are seeking USD 50 million in immediate funding which will go towards providing food and setting up new camps; whereas the
European Commission is mobilising an initial EUR 4 million in emergency assistance to help support the displaced people arriving in Sudan;
1. Is deeply concerned about recent developments in Ethiopia, including the ongoing violence and allegations of serious breaches of fundamental human rights; deplores the current armed conflict between the federal government of Ethiopia and the regional
administration of Tigray led by the TPLF; calls on both parties to commit to an immediate ceasefire and to solve political divergences by democratic means within the framework of the country’s constitution in order to find a lasting peaceful solution,
establish a ceasefire monitoring mechanism, and work towards building national consensus through an inclusive dialogue;
2. Expresses its solidarity with the victims and the families of those affected; deplores the loss of life and killings of innocent civilians and the extrajudicial killings, regardless of their perpetrators;
3. Calls on Ethiopia’s central government and the TPLF to take immediate action to de-escalate the conflict; insists that all actors strictly follow a human-centred security approach;
4. Deplores the fact that access for humanitarian workers is currently severely restricted; calls on the Ethiopian Government to give humanitarian organisations immediate and unrestricted access to the areas where there is conflict in order to ensure humanitarian aid; warns of the danger of a major humanitarian crisis in the country, as well as in neighbouring states and the wider region;
5. Notes with concern the ultimatum issued by Prime Minister Abiy to Tigray forces urging them to surrender and stating that, otherwise a military assault on the regional capital Mekelle would be pursued;
6. Recalls that deliberate attacks against civilians constitute war crimes; calls on forces on both sides to respect international human rights and international humanitarian law and to ensure the protection of people in affected areas; urges all sides to the conflict, and regional authorities, to minimise harm to the civilian population and to ensure and allow access to basic services for civilians at all times;
7. Notes with grave concern that inter-ethnic tensions and violence are rising in Ethiopia; considers it of the utmost importance that the Ethiopian and Tigrayan authorities exercise responsible leadership by fostering an inclusive political environment for all actors and ethnic groups;
8. Urges the federal authorities to end the practice of arbitrary arrests and surveillance or otherwise targeting ethnic groups; calls on the Ethiopian authorities to take strong measures against any ethnic profiling and to ensure the protection of ethnic minorities across the country; calls on the Ethiopian Government to implement reforms that protect human rights and guarantee equal access to government services and resources for all ethnic groups;
9. Is deeply concerned about the growing spread of misinformation and the use of hate speech, pitting ethnic groups against one another to stoke the current conflict in Tigray; calls on all parties involved in the conflict to refrain from using inflammatory language and hate speech both off- and online; urges national and local authorities, media organisations and the public to refrain from engaging in incitement to violence towards, discrimination of, or hostility against populations at risk;
10. Calls on Ethiopia’s neighbouring states, including Eritrea, as well as other states in the wider region, such as the countries of the Nile basin, to refrain from all political and military interventions that could fuel the conflict; emphasises that failure to do so risks destabilising the wider region with disastrous consequences for international peace and security; emphasises the crucial role Ethiopia’s neighbouring states can play in providing diplomatic support towards de-escalation of the conflict;
11. Expresses its full support for African Union-led mediation and de-escalation efforts initiated by the South African presidency of the AU, notably the nomination of three AU Special Envoys, and calls on all parties involved to actively cooperate and engage with the AU’s mediation efforts; calls on the Ethiopian authorities to cooperate with efforts by international organisations, such as the African Union, the IGAD and the European Union, to enter into an inclusive dialogue in an effort to achieve peace, security and stability in the country and in the region;
12. Is deeply concerned about the de facto communications blackout in the northern Tigray region; urges the Ethiopian Government to restore all forms of communication to Tigray as an act of accountability and transparency for its military operations in the
region and to allow free communication among the people of Tigray; stresses the importance of, and the need for, access to information both online and offline, as the right of all people to be informed and to access information is particularly vital in a crisis situation; urges that independent reporting on the situation be allowed; insists on the importance of immediately granting independent media access to Tigray; urges the Ethiopian Government to fully respect the freedoms of expression, association and of the press, as provided for in the Ethiopian Constitution, and to release unjustly detained journalists and bloggers; firmly believes that peaceful protest is part of a democratic process and that responding with excessive force should be avoided under all circumstances;
13. Calls on all parties to the conflict to guarantee the safe and free movement of civilians and to ensure that the right of freedom of assembly is upheld;
14. Calls on all parties involved in the conflict in the northern Tigray region to guarantee unrestrained access to independent human rights monitors to ensure that international human rights standards are being upheld; calls on all sides in the conflict to work closely with relevant actors to conduct a transparent investigation into the Mai-Kadra massacre, and calls for the perpetrators of this crime to be held to account and prosecuted without delay;
15. Calls on the Ethiopian federal authorities to conduct a thorough, independent, effective and impartial investigation into any and all killings and human rights violations, including use of excessive force, arbitrary detention and enforced disappearances, and calls on the Tigrayan authorities to cooperate in these investigations; calls on all Ethiopian authorities to actively combat impunity; reminds the Ethiopian Government of its obligations to guarantee fundamental rights, including access to justice and the right to a fair and independent trial, as provided for in the African Charter and other
international and regional human rights instruments, including the Cotonou Agreement; insists that the Ethiopian authorities ensure that the fair and impartial rule of law is respected and upheld throughout Ethiopia;
16. Calls for close cooperation between EU humanitarian aid entities and the UNHCR, and for the UNHCR to continue to provide support to the refugees who have fled from this crisis, including near the areas they fled from; recalls that the Ethiopian Government is responsible for the safety and security of refugees and internally displaced persons on its territory; recalls that over 96 000 Eritrean refugees are mostly sheltered in refugee camps in the Tigray region; supports the appeals of the international community and humanitarian organisations for increased assistance to refugees and displaced persons;
17. Calls for the EU and its partners to support the Sudanese Government and local authorities in responding urgently to calls to host the Ethiopian refugees fleeing the fighting in the Tigray region; expresses its appreciation for Sudan’s readiness to welcome refugees fleeing the conflict; highlights the urgent need for preparations for
the arrival of up to 200 000 refugees in Sudan; notes that Ethiopia is an important country of destination, transit and origin for migrants; calls on the Commission and the Member States to ensure that all funded projects initiated within the framework of the EU Trust Fund for Africa respect human rights, in particular the rights of migrants and IDPs;
18. Calls for the urgent mobilisation, as well as the structured and concerted deployment, of additional resources by the EU and its Member States to address all-encompassing needs triggered by the conflict;
19. Welcomes the Ethiopian Government’s commitment to holding general elections in 2021; urges all political actors across the country to engage in a political dialogue involving citizens from across the political, ideological, regional and ethnic spectrum ahead of the elections; firmly underlines that free, fair, inclusive and credible elections can only take place in an atmosphere free from intimidation, violence and harassment, with guaranteed freedom of speech and association, in line with international norms; regrets that the commitment to free elections has been undermined by the detention of several opposition politicians from across the political spectrum since June 2020 and by serious due process violations that undermine detainees’ rights to a fair trial; calls on the authorities to release all those detained unless they are charged with legally recognisable offenses and can be prosecuted in accordance with international fair trial standards;
20. Expresses its commitment to the unity and territorial integrity of Ethiopia and calls on all actors inside Ethiopia to work towards the peaceful solution of any conflict inside the country;
21. Calls for the EU to continue to use all necessary diplomatic means to engage with the federal and regional authorities, as well as with regional partners and multilateral institutions, in order to resolve the conflict in a peaceful manner;
22. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the Council, the Commission, the governments and parliaments of the Member States, the European External Action Service, the Federal Government and House of Federation of Ethiopia, the Tigrayan authorities, the Government of the Republic of Sudan, the governments of the IGAD, the African Union and its Member States, the Pan-African Parliament, and the ACP-EU Joint Parliamentary Assembly.
SJTE: Urgent Call for UN Security Council Resolution to Stop Genocide in Tigray, Ethiopia.
Dear Members of the United Nations Security Council,
Subject: Urgent Call for UN Security Council Resolution to Stop Genocide in Tigray, Ethiopia.
December 14, 2020
Your Excellencies,
Security and Justice for Tigrayan in Ethiopia (SJTE) is a world-wide non-profit humanitarian organization that advocates for the Ethiopians of Tigrayan origin.
Three weeks ago, we advised your esteemed body that ethnic Tigrayans in Ethiopia were facing targeted killings and imprisonment unleashed upon them by the unelected government of Prime Minster (PM) of Ethiopia, Abiy Ahmed Ali.
The savagery and degree of brutality against minority ethnic Tigrayans have become a human catastrophe as tens of thousands have been killed and maimed by the government. Ethnic profiling has continued unabated all over Ethiopia, and communication systems, electricity, water supply lines, and transportation remain closed all over Tigray since the Ethiopian PM declared war on November 03, 2020.
As we speak, there is continuous blanket bombing of civilian targets and cities in addition to the starvation of the population which are causing huge internal displacements. Villages and vast mountains of Tigray that host hundreds of historic churches and monasteries are not spared at all. In some major cities and villages, air bombardment and artillery barrages and drone attacks continue without respite exacting a heavy toll on rural and urban population. The war crime is supported by the deployment of more than 500,000 combined troops, namely, the Federal Army of Ethiopia (estimated at 150,000), Eritrean Army (250,000 troops including mechanized and commandos), the failed state Somalia 3,000 troops as well as 120,000 government affiliated hostile militias from neighbouring Regional State of Amhara, Oromia, Somalia, and other Regions of Ethiopia and the use of advanced warfare drones by the United Arab Emirates (UAE).
The involvement of the Eritrean army in Tigray is now clear to this August body. It is also worth noting that the Eritrean army has been intensively engaged in war crimes of high magnitude by massacring the youth, attacking and raiding refugee camps in Tigray, raping women and children, destroying infrastructures, looting of many factories, and private businesses in large cities, properties of higher learning federal institutions, and livestock and grain crops of farmers and transported them all to Eritrea.
So far, the combined loss of livestock alone just from western Tigray is estimated at 2.5 million per reports coming from the Government of Tigray. The confiscation of the livestock is carried out mainly by the Amhara militias while the residents of western Tigray are subjected to massacre as witnessed in Mai Cadra and lately being forced to displace from their ancestral lands to central Tigray by the Amhara militias. Over 50,000 desperate refugees of mostly children and women have now crossed into the Sudan fleeing massacre. Their homes have been vandalized, their properties looted and their relatives either killed or imprisoned.
Yet, despite all the calls for peace by various governments and international organizations, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has defied the world and continued to bomb the people of Tigray on a daily basis. Humanitarian workers working for United Nations have not been spared from Mr. Abiy’s killing machine, either. In many areas, the government has blocked food items from reaching the people creating a deliberate starvation resulting in deaths - famine. This is serious human right abuse and a crime against humanity as stated in the United Nations Conventions should not be tolerated.
Your Excellencies,
Tigray is being attacked by its own federal government and external governments at the invitation of PM Abiy Ahmed of Ethiopia. Since November 15, 2020, unmanned aerial vehicles (UAV’s) from United Arab Emirates (UAE) have joined the war in Tigray. Countless civilians are reported to have been injured or killed by drone warfare. We believe this is a breach of international law and crime against humanity.
Destruction of UNESCO heritage and historical sites aside, villages and towns such as Abi-Adi, Abergele, and Yechila have been uninterruptedly bombed for the last six days resulting heavy loss of lives. Reports of women raped in churches, an institution revered in Tigray culture, are extremely disturbing.
Contravening Rule 53, starvation is being used as a method of war by the Abiy government of Ethiopia.
The United Nations has a moral and legal obligation to stop this war. Sanctions and travel bans should be imposed on the authorities and government that are leading this genocidal war on the people of Tigray.
The four main acts that the provisions highlighted within United Nation’s Responsibility to Protect (i.e., genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity) are currently being perpetrated against the people of Tigray. These four provisions are evident in Abiy Ahmed’s actions including but not limited to the: systematic profiling, harassment and detention of people based solely on their ethnic background.
To allow this state-sponsored mayhem and genocide to proceed will be marked as a dark-spot in the history of the United Nations Security Council in the 21st century after the world witnessed the Holocaust during Second World War and the Rwanda Genocide in 1994 and declared no more genocide. Thus, we urge you, members of the United Nations Security Council, to consider the adoption of the following measures to stop the ongoing war crime and genocide in Tigray, Ethiopia:
i. Declare the immediate cessation of hostilities to stop the war in Tigray without any precondition.
ii. Immediate opening of corridors for the safe passage of humanitarian aid by independent agencies.
iii. The immediate restoration of communications and the internet to the people of Tigray.
iv. Appointing an independent international team for the investigation war crimes in Tigray.
v. All parties to commit to a peaceful resolution of the regional war.
vi. Immediate deployment of peace keepers on the Tigray-Eritrea border at limited check points.
vii. Immediate withdrawal of foreign troops (Eritrea and Somalia) and government allied militias from the Amhara region and other hostile ethnic groups as well as the redeployment of federal government troops outside Tigray and the immediate restoration of the status quo ante in Tigray.
viii.Impose sanctions and travel bans on Eritrean and Ethiopian government officials/authorities that are leading and planning this genocidal war on the people of Tigray.
With the highest regards,
SJTE Executive Committee
Thursday, December 10, 2020
Tuesday, December 8, 2020
Security and Justice for Tigreans in Ethiopia Petition
Pres-elect Joe Biden-Help Stop UAE Drones and Eritrean Forces Killing Tigreans in Ethiopia
The US government, as a responsible superpower that espouses democratic value and freedom across the globe, has a moral and ethical responsibility to live up to its commitment to these ideals. On the other hand, if it fails to live up to its promises, in this case to stand with the people of Tigray, at the very least it is by omission or commission supporting the regional war and genocide in Tigrai, Ethiopia. It has increasingly becoming apparent that the current Trump administration seems to support the coalition of the Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Abiy Ahmed; the dictator of Eritrea, Esayas Afwerki in the relentless bombardment, mass killings and looting coupled with UAE’s drones. The tacit support of the current US government and the subsequent genocidal campaign against the innocent people of Tigray shall be recorded as one of yet another dark-spot in the US history. How can the US tolerate such a complete destruction of a minority tribe as the world knows it? How can the US remain silent when about 7 million people in Tigrai, Ethiopia are completely cutoff from the rest of the world by a dictator, depriving them from any form of communication, water, food, electricity and free movement? If this is not an act of active genocide, what is it then for the US government? No national interest or geopolitical importance should be calculated at the expense of people that are forced to endure unjustified killings, displacement, and hunger for no fault of theirs. Although it is too little too late, the US should stop supporting Abiy Ahmed, the dictator of Eritrea, Esayas Afwerki and the Drones’ bombardment of the UAE on Tigrai, and start playing a pivotal role by influencing the Ethiopian government to commit for immediate cessation of hostilities and solve the conflict through all-inclusive dialogue according to the constitution of Ethiopia and the will of the people of Tigrai.
We expect our government to play a leading role in the adoption of the following measures to minimize the effects of the ongoing war crime and genocide on the ground in Tigrai, Ethiopia:
a. The immediate cessation of hostilities.
b. Immediate opening of corridors for the safe and unfettered passage of humanitarian aid.
c. The immediate restoration of communications, electricity and other services to the people of Tigray.
d. Dispatch an international team of experts for an independent investigation war crimes on the ground.
e. All parties to commit to a peaceful resolution of the conflict.
f. Immediate deployment of peace keepers along the Tigray-Eritrea border.
g. Immediate withdrawal of foreign troops (Eritrea and Somalia) and government allied militias from the Amhara region and other hostile ethnic groups as well as the redeployment of federal government troops outside Tigray and the immediate restoration of the status quo ante.
Security and Justice for Tigreans in Ethiopia, SJTE
Sunday, December 6, 2020
Saturday, December 5, 2020
Urgent Situation in Tigray by Fetien Abay, Ph.D.
From: Fetien Abay <fetienabay@gmail.com>
Date: 19 November 2020 10:33
To: ............................. <..............................@...............be>
Subject: : Situation in Tigray
Dear all friends,
I am writing this email while I and my people are in a most difficult conditions. My tears running on my chest. I feel I am a global woman and your support. I appreciate on what is going on. Could you also share it to any organization worried on minorities, could you share it with foreign ministry, board, and if possible to the peace prize. I appreciate what has been done so far.
If you find any typing error in this message pls forgive
In addition to the global burden of COVID-19, We faced locust invasion. The recent growing season was most exceptional productive where various crops successfully grown in the field. Like other parts of Ethiopia we got invasive desert locust attack. But what makes it difficult in Tigray was no air spray, Motorized spray etc. from the federal government. They denied the GIS Coordinate sent by the tigray regional bureau agriculture. The ministry of agriculture was instructed not to accept unless sent by the village or district leaders. Drone sent by Tigrians based in Israel to support on the locust attack spray was not permitted to Tigray..i was requested to write letter of permission for release the drone so that university will take responsibility with the hope it will be permitted. Again not possible. The whole youth of Tigray region collaborated to smash locust using all means. Innovations were there as well. While we were hoping that we could harvest the left over crops in the field war erupted in Tigray...very unfortunate side of it.
Tigray is surrounded all over the broader by Eritrean troops, the whole Ethiopian defence military and Amhara militia and police ( 2nd largest in the country). Considering the hate trade against this region and collaborations of all, over the small region. Imagine what can happen
-How on earth your own government bombarded own people,
-How on earth your own government collaborate with foreign and neighboring country to attack from front and back side
- How on earth your own government denied internet, telephone and banking services. No market products allowed to Tigray. Food prices raised (e.g. teff price from 4000 th o 6000 per 100 kg. most not available specially imported baby foods diapers etc. Two days back we are now allowed to take 2000 from own account but impossible due to very big queue in every bank. You can only take from your bank . Customer's who has savings in same bank outside the region or outside Mekelle not allowed to get that 2000 birr. I shared my 2000 with a young family recently moved from Addis. I have first born brother, 89, I am no 12 sister. He couldn't access his banking and was locked in his home. His kids are out of the country. I brought him here , he about to die supported for his oxygen...
-How on earth own government denied critical medicines like insulins, medicines for dialysis, HIV, nutrition medicines. we wrote letter to red cross to assist us in getting them here, such initiatives was not possible. This was beyond my expectations:
-How on earth your own government escalate conflict within country and collaborate with neighboring region (Amhara) who had sharp conflict on boarder issues with Tigray
-How on earth your own government guide/dictate the parliament to escalate their emotions and declare tigray regional government as terrorist group despite the 2.7 million vote earned by the people of Tigray...
-how on earth your own government denied food access mainly safety Net, access for education by denying face mask and by denying masks produced by the region in collaborations with local garment. It was on the website of the ministry of education no schools will be opened if they use face mask produced by garments not approved by the ministry. I visited several ministries to advocate on the discriminatory decisions. Even I told them my university and other universities based in Tigray region can serve as entry point of accessing those important sources for human being.
I am now confused let me give most annoying attacks of bombing:
First air attacked didn't target gasoline storage but laid on crop produce. And killed 10 years old girl and few farmers.
Second air attack was on part of Tekeze dam.. we had no electricity for some days and maintained by the region functioning on every other day basis.
Third airplane attack was on sugar factory (as per regional government report)
Fourth airplane attack was bad in Mekelle bombed sport academy (sport field of Mekelle University & St. George church. Since bombing was at the border of main campus it devastated all community of my university. Many people in Mekelle lined in all banks & I was running here and there in the city and my second son (born in Oslo in 2003) was alone got shocked like all of us but he was alone. He kindly requested me not to be far from home. But I am leading this university during this time.
Fetien Abay (PhD in Plant Breeding and Seed)
Interim President,
Vice President for Research and Community Engagement (VPRCE),
Mekelle University,POBox 232,
Tigray, Ethiopia
Office Tel: +251344402890
Office Fax: +251344401090
website: www.mu.edu.et
Friday, December 4, 2020
Thursday, December 3, 2020
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